Testimony before the

Senate Committee on Banking,

Housing and Urban Affairs

 

 

 

 

Reasonable Expectations for

Transit in the Modern Urban Area

 

 

8 October 2002

 

 

 

Wendell Cox

Visiting Fellow

The Heritage Foundation

&

Principal,

Wendell Cox Consultancy

 

 

 

 

Reasonable Expectations for

Transit in the Modern Urban Area

 

Testimony by Wendell Cox

Before the

Senate Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs

Senate Banking, Housing & Urban Affairs Committee Hearing Notice

 

 

Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee:

 

Thank you for inviting me to testify today.

 

My name is Wendell Cox. I am an independent consultant headquartered in Belleville, Illinois, in the St. Louis area. I am also a visiting fellow at The Heritage Foundation. I must stress, however, that the views I express are entirely my own, and should not be construed as representing the position of The Heritage Foundation. 

 

I was appointed to three terms on the Los Angeles Country Transportation Commission by Mayor Tom Bradley and was appointed to the Amtrak Reform Council by Speaker Gingrich. Earlier this year I served an assignment as a visiting professor at the Conservatoire National des Arts ET Metiers (CNAM), a French national university in Paris, conducting seminars and research on urban planning and transport.

 

I will share perspectives that you may not have heard before --- about how transit has little or no potential to address traffic congestion and how so-called “smart growth” promises to worsen traffic congestion while making housing less affordable especially for the nation’s lower income households who are disproportionately minority. These views are held by other professionals and academics as well, and they challenge what is considered to be the conventional wisdom in both transport and urban planning. I will, of course, be pleased to supply the Committee with additional details as requested.

 

Increasing Traffic Congestion, Declining Transit Market Share

 

It is painfully obvious to commuters in virtually all US urban areas that traffic is getting worse. This has been going on for some time, but has become much more critical in recent years. For example, the US Census Bureau reports that average work trip travel time increased 3.1 minutes nationally from 1990 to 2000, a rate four times that of 1980 to 1990. And, things are likely to get much worse (Figure #1).

 

For some time there has been a widely held view that transit has the potential to reduce urban traffic congestion. Indeed, that sentiment was part of the rationale behind making highway user fees available to transit in the 1982 reauthorization.

 

Yet, despite spending nearly $500 billion in subsidies at the federal, state and local level since 1960, transit’s share of urban trips has continued to trend downward. This is confirmed by the 2000 Census, which shows that transit’s share of work trips has reached a new low --- 4.6 percent (Figure #2), down more than 10 percent from 1990 (Table #1). While employment was increasing 13.2 million, transit work trip use declined nearly 23,000. Only two metropolitan areas with more than 1,000,000 population maintain a transit work trip market share of more than 10 percent (Table A-1).

 

 

Table #1

Work Trip Market Share by Mode: 1990 & 2000

Mode

1990

Share

2000

Share

Change

Change in Share

Car, Truck or Van

99,592,932

86.5%

112,736,101

87.9%

 13,143,169

 1.5%

Drove Alone

84,215,298

73.2%

97,102,050

75.7%

 12,886,752

 3.4%

Car Pool

15,377,634

13.4%

15,634,051

12.2%

 256,417

 -8.8%

Public Transit*

6,069,589

5.3%

6,067,703

4.7%

 (1,886)

 -10.3%

Public Transit

5,890,155

5.1%

5,867,559

4.6%

 (22,596)

 -10.6%

Taxicab

179,434

0.2%

200,144

0.2%

 20,710

 0.1%

Motorcycle

237,404

0.2%

142,424

0.1%

 (94,980)

 -46.2%

Bicycle

466,856

0.4%

488,497

0.4%

 21,641

 -6.1%

Walk only

4,488,886

3.9%

3,758,982

2.9%

 (729,904)

 -24.9%

Other

808,582

0.7%

901,298

0.7%

 92,716

 -0.0%

Work at Home

3,406,025

3.0%

4,184,223

3.3%

 778,198

 10.2%

Workers 16 Years & Over

115,070,274

100.0%

128,279,228

100.0%

 13,208,954

 0.0%

Source: Data from US Census Bureau

*With Taxicab

 

 

Figure 1[1]

Figure 2[2]

 

The Transit Dilemma: Little Auto Competitive Service

 

This is not to suggest that transit does not play an important role. Make no mistake about it --- where transit provides auto-competitive service, people use it. To be auto-competitive, transit must be, at a minimum, time competitive with the automobile. The 2000 Census data indicates that transit work trips take considerably longer than auto work trips. The average transit work trip was 43 minutes, which compares to other modes (mainly auto) at 24.8 minutes. Transit work trips take longer than auto trips in all metropolitan areas with more than 1,000,000 population (Table A-2).

 

But where transit is auto-competitive, it is very successful. For example:

 

  • In the Tokyo area, nearly 60 percent of travel is on transit. Why? The reason is that transit is generally faster than the automobile, with the dense network of urban rail services and frequent connecting bus service making transit service attractive throughout the urban area. This is illustrated by the fact that Tokyo, with approximately 1.5 times the population of the New York urban area, carries approximately 4.5 times as many riders annually, and 60 percent more riders than all of the transit systems in the United States combined. Nonetheless, the automobile is making significant inroads in the Tokyo area. In suburban areas, where the auto is more competitive, transit market share is nearly 40 percent below that of the central city. And, throughout the area, transit market share has fallen nearly 30 percent since 1970.

 

  • In the Paris area, 24 percent of travel is by transit. There, the commuter rail and metro systems provide generally faster travel than the automobile, with more than 60 percent of central city oriented travel on transit. But the situation is much different in the suburbs, where 80 percent of Parisians live and work. There, only 15 percent of travel is on transit, because transit provides little suburb to suburb service that is auto-competitive. As in Tokyo, transit’s market share has fallen in the Paris area, approximately 40 percent since 1970. The situation and experience in Paris is typical of other urban areas in Western Europe.

 

  • In the New York area, approximately 10 percent of travel is on public transit. Much of this travel is focused in the city of New York, and especially to the Manhattan central business district (below 59th Street). In 1990, approximately 75 percent of work trips to this area were on transit. In fact, approximately 22 percent of the nation’s transit work trips were to the Manhattancentral business district, an area of less than 10 square miles. Nearly 73 percent of work trips to locations within the city of New York were on transit, representing more than one-third of the nation’s transit work trips. Yet, in the vast sprawling suburbs of New York, only four percent of work trips were by transit. The difference is that substantial levels of auto-competitive service is provided to Manhattan and within the city of New York. It is possible to provide auto-competitive service because of the city’s high population and density, and the slower automobile operating speeds that result from the intense traffic congestion. Other than travel in and to the city, however, few trips can be made by auto-competitive transit.

 

  • Transit accounts for more than 50 percent of work trip travel to the Chicago central business district, the nation’s second largest downtown. Again, the key is auto-competitive service available to this concentrated area from most locations in the urban area. Within the city itself, transit’s work trip market share is nearly one-third. But in the suburbs, transit’s work trip market share is barely three percent. Travel by transit from suburban residence to suburban employment locations can average more than two hours, in an urban area where automobile work trips average less than 30 minutes.

 

  • In most other major metropolitan areas, transit competitive service is largely limited to downtown locations, and often only during peak commuting hours. Outside the New York and Chicago metropolitan areas, overall transit market shares tend to be approximately one percent (Figure #3)

 

Figure 3[3]

 

What all of this says is that transit is largely about downtown and to a lesser degree a small number of urban cores (Figure #4). Overall, only the New York and Chicago metropolitan areas maintain a transit work trip market share of more than 10 percent, with most of that concentrated in the core areas. In fact, more than one-half of the nations’ transit work trips are to locations within the central cities of New York, Chicago and the ten next largest central business districts. Thus, 3.1 million of the nation’s transit work trips are to a gross area of less than 600 square miles, while the balance of 2.8 million transit work trips are to the other more than 86,000 square miles of urbanized land. Thus, outside trips to downtown, transit is able to make little or no difference with respect to traffic congestion.

 

In most major metropolitan areas, auto-competitive transit service is limited to downtown service. This is illustrated by Portland (Oregon), which has the nation’s most aggressive smart growth policies and has nearly doubled transit service in the last decade. Transit competitive service is provided from approximately 70 percent of the urban area to downtown (where transit competitive is defined as 1.5 times auto travel times). Outside downtown employment locations are accessible to only five percent of the urban area by transit competitive service. People are not going to forsake their cars for transit service that takes too long, or transit service that doesn’t even exist.

 

Figure 4[4]

 

It is not surprising, therefore, that people who use transit to non-downtown locations have much lower incomes than those able to access the auto-competitive services to downtown. In 1990, downtown transit commuters had an average household income within six percent of the national average. Non-downtown transit commuters had an average household income 40 percent below average. It would appear that transit is used for non-downtown work trips only by those who don’t have a choice (those who have no automobile available).

 

The key to getting people out of their cars is to provide automobile competitive service --- service that is competitive in travel time. But, as noted above, there is little auto-competitive service in the United States and little more planned to areas other than downtowns. And, despite their vertical impressiveness, downtowns represent a small and declining share of metropolitan employment in the United States. In 1990, the average downtown area accounted for barely 10 percent of metropolitan employment (Figure #5). Even Manhattan’s central business district, the second largest in the world, accounted for barely 20 percent of metropolitan New York’s employment.

 

Figure 5[5]

The Union of International Public Transport is hardly the type of organization that would be expected to make critical comments about public transit. But this organization, the international equivalent of the American Public Transportation Association (APTA) put it this way:

 

In the United States, with the exception of New York, public transport is unable to compete with the automobile: its speed is half as fast, which means that door-to-door travel times, incorporating terminal distance times, waiting and transfer times, are 3 to 4 times longer on public transport.”

 

Actually, this is something of an overstatement. Transit plays an indispensable role in providing auto-competitive service to a few much focused areas of the nation. But outside these areas, the potential for transit to attract people out of cars is nearly non-existent.

 

This is illustrated by the record of metropolitan areas that have built new rail systems.

 

  • Between 1990 and 2000, Dallas opened a commuter rail line and three branches of a light rail system. Yet, overall transit work trip ridership decreased (Table #2).

 

  • Between 1990 and 2000, St. Louis opened a new light rail line. Yet, transit work trip ridership decreased (Table #3).

 

  • Between 1970 and 2000, Washington opened approximately 100 miles of its Metro system. Yet, transit’s work trip market share dropped 29 percent.

 

  • Transit’s work trip market share continues to trail pre-light rail levels in Portland, though minor gains were made in the 1990s. Street and highway traffic has grown faster than transit use since 1985, the year before the first of two light rail lines was opened. Traffic delays, as measured by the Travel Time Index have grown 31 percent, the second largest increase in the nation (Figure #6).

 

The problem is further illustrated by the case of Minneapolis-St. Paul, which is currently building a light rail line (the “Hiawatha Line”) and seeks to build a commuter rail line (the “Northstar Line”). There, the Texas Transportation Institute estimates that it would take an addition of 84,000 annual transit one-way peak period riders just to stop to growth of traffic congestion. The two lines would add fewer than 9,000 one-way transit riders over a period of 20 years or more. During the 1990s, transit work trip use increased approximately 200 annually, a small fraction of what would be required to materially impact traffic congestion (Figure #7).

 

Urban rail systems are exceedingly expensive. Often the annual cost per commuter attracted from the automobile exceeds the recurring lease cost for a new automobile.

 

Table #2

Work Trip Market Share in Dallas County: 1990-2000

 Mode

1990

Market Share

2000

Market Share

Change

Change in Market Share

 Drive Alone

 718,709

 76.2%

 777,372

 74.8%

 58,663

 -1.8%

 Car Pool

 135,776

 14.4%

 167,270

 16.1%

 31,494

 11.9%

 Transit

 38,150

 4.0%

 35,261

 3.4%

 (2,889)

 -16.1%

 Walk

 19,027

 2.0%

 17,390

 1.7%

 (1,637)

 -17.0%

 Other

 11,004

 1.2%

 13,108

 1.3%

 2,104

 8.2%

 Work at Home

 20,480

 2.2%

 28,378

 2.7%

 7,898

 25.8%

 Total

 943,146

 100.0%

 1,038,779

 100.0%

 95,633

 0.0%

 Taxicab included in "Other"

 Calculated from US Census Bureau data.

 

 

Table #3

Work Trip Market Share in Metropolitan St. Louis: 1990-2000l

 Mode

1990

Market Share

2000

Market Share

Change

Change in Market Share

 Drive Alone